the capitalist, the employer, to decide for himsel
what are "fair wages" and "fair profits." While this
page is being written, armed soldiers are marching
to and fro through the streets to protect the employ
ers in this "right" against their workmen.
Three things would prevent such a gigantic accu
mulation of wealth and power by a single man or a
single trust. First, the selfishness of other men
would step in and destroy them by physical force if
need be; second, the conservative sense of the
nations and the love of liberty might decide that it
was "carrying things too far;" or, third, the moral sense of right, the ideals of human happiness which have long inspired the hopes of the world, and the discovery of great social laws, will lead the large hearted teachers of men, and the millions of toilers, to institute a new system of social life, of property and government.
The new thought of industrial freedom, of a nobler life for the working man, this thought has grown too large and too strong to be turned backward. It rests upon a law of evolution, upon forces of human growth more far reaching in their sweep, more tremendous in their slow but onward movements, than all the swelling tides of human greed and selfish power.
Modern wisdom has organized a system of education to make knowledge universal among the people. But knowledge is of no value unless it is used. And its chief application is in the varied forms of industry. If it was wise to organize education, then it is equally wise to organize industry as the embodiment of knowledge. Shall this last be done in the interests of all the people, as it was in the case of education, where