the privileges and benefits reached all classes equally? Or shall industry be organized chiefly in the interests of a small class, the employers and capitalists, leaving the workmen to get whatever pittance cf wages these masters choose to give? That is the kind cf organized industry that the trusts and the capitalists of the nineteenth century propose to establish.
You have put a book into the hands cf the workman and he is thinking. And he will choose for himself. The cry of "Utopian" will not frighten him. He asks only for justice. He will not accept " expediency," or "custom," or "vested rights" in place of it. The workmen are a majority of the people. In the United States and in Britain they have the physical and the political power to make the most fundamental changes if they choose.
MORE THAN THIRTY MILLIONS OF PEOPLE to-day
think that our present system of ownership, or control of production and distribution, is grossly unjust and unfair to the workmen. And that neither the workmen nor the employer can have the true conditions of happiness while the present system continues.
These millions believe, with a great leader of European science, " That the entire reorganization of human society, upon a new and purely scientific basis, is not only practicable, but is the only political object much worth winning." They believe with Draper, in his great work, "The Intellectual Development of Europe," that " Europe and America are now entering upon the phase of maturity. Each of the nations will attempt its own intellectual organization, and will accomplish it more or less perfectly, as certainly